the case
Putin's "Trojan horse" in Brussels: the phone call that complicates Szijjártó's (and Orban's) situation and shakes the European Union
The foreign minister of Budapest referred to as a "mole" for Lavrov, EU limits access, energy ties emerge, and hypotheses of interference before the vote.
An exceptional political-diplomatic case is shaking European institutions. At the center of attention is Péter Szijjártó, the influential Hungarian Foreign Minister and loyalist of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. According to revelations published by the Washington Post based on testimonies from European security officials, Szijjártó has allegedly acted for years as a sort of “mole” for the Kremlin at the upper echelons of the EU, informing his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov in real time about confidential discussions taking place in Brussels.
The leaks outline a mechanism of constant communication with Moscow. During breaks in EU Council meetings, Szijjártó reportedly contacted Lavrov by phone to provide “live reports” on the progress of discussions, the positions of member states, and the compromise proposals under consideration. A security official, quoted by the U.S. newspaper, summarized the extent of the phenomenon: “For years, every single EU meeting has essentially had Moscow sitting at the table”.
Confronted with the accusations, the Hungarian minister admitted to maintaining regular dialogue with Lavrov – as with other counterparts – before and after the Councils, describing it as a normal exercise in diplomacy. However, he denied violating security protocols or sharing classified information. The reassurances did not dispel doubts in Brussels. The European Commission referred to the situation as “very concerning”, asking Budapest for formal clarifications.
According to reports, the EU has already adopted countermeasures, limiting Hungary's access to sensitive documents and restricting its participation in closed strategic meetings, fearing further leaks to Moscow. Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk commented bluntly: “No one should be surprised. We have suspected this for a long time. It’s one of the reasons I only speak when absolutely necessary”.
The alignment between Budapest and Moscow is not new. Since the beginning of the Russian war against Ukraine in 2022, Szijjártó has visited Moscow 16 times on official trips. As early as 2021, Lavrov awarded him the Order of Friendship, the highest Russian honor for a foreigner, in recognition of his commitment to strengthening bilateral relations.
On the energy front, while much of Europe is working to reduce dependence on Russian fuels, Hungary is moving in the opposite direction. Szijjártó announced advanced negotiations with Gazprom to increase gas supplies through the TurkStream pipeline in 2025, even threatening a Hungarian veto against European sanctions measures should Brussels obstruct these plans.
The scandal erupts at a politically delicate moment for Hungary. On April 12, crucial parliamentary elections are scheduled, and for the first time in 16 years, Viktor Orbán appears to be in real trouble in the polls, challenged by Péter Magyar, leader of the Tisza party, who promises to turn the page on the pro-Russian stance.
According to a report attributed to the Russian foreign intelligence service (SVR) and reviewed by the Washington Post, the Kremlin considers the situation so alarming that it is evaluating extreme options. Among the hypotheses – it reads – there was one to stage a fake assassination attempt against Orbán, in an operation dubbed “Gamechanger”, to catalyze attention on security and boost the Prime Minister's support before the vote, following the effect of the failed assassination attempt against Donald Trump.
To measure the depth of the relations between Szijjártó and Lavrov and to understand how Budapest would have facilitated Russian interference in European politics, reconstructions recall a conversation intercepted on February 14, 2020 on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference. The conversation was revealed by investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi and echoed in Italy by investigative journalists like Jacopo Iacoboni. On that occasion, Szijjártó (“PS”) acted as an intermediary for then-Slovak Prime Minister Peter Pellegrini, asking Lavrov (“SL”) to facilitate a meeting in Moscow with the Russian leadership, with the aim of supporting the Slovak government coalition against an opposition described as “funded by Soros”.
PS: “Hi Sergey, it’s Peter. Thank you for speaking with me. If I understood correctly, you’re in Munich at the conference, right?”
SL: “Yes, I’m in Munich.”
PS: "I don't want to disturb you, but the Prime Minister asked me to do this because we have a rather important request for you. As you know, there will be elections in Slovakia on February 29th, and it is crucial for us that the coalition there continues. I understand that it may sound strange coming from Hungarian conservatives, but we are hopeful for the social democrats as they are the only rational force in the Slovak political landscape and the only ones acting without foreign interference. Everyone else is practically funded by Soros. If the opposition were to win, it would be a tragedy for Central European cooperation. It is also important that the Slovak National Party of Parliament Speaker Danko surpasses the 5% threshold. We hope they make it, but the only hope for the coalition to continue is for the ruling party to win the elections. Prime Minister Pellegrini was here yesterday and told us that if your Prime Minister could host him even for half an hour, it would be a great help in winning the elections. He told us that it is much more important for their society than a visit to Washington. So he asked us to ask you, and we want to ask you ourselves, if it would be possible to arrange such a thing, that is, for your PM to host the Slovak PM in Moscow in February..."
SL: "It's quite a demanding request, but I will pass it on to the Prime Minister."
PS: "I understand. It would be fantastic if you could arrange it. Pellegrini asked for our help regarding this as he knows we have good relations and that our presidents also have good personal relations. And he has trusted us in this matter."
SL: "Peter, I will forward this request today and will get back to you as soon as I have updates."
PS: "Thank you. And let me emphasize once again how important it is for us that the coalition in Slovakia continues. If they cannot continue, then there is no hope for pragmatic cooperation in Central Europe, and we would lose a lot."
SL: "I understand."
PS: "You have no idea how grateful I am that we are having this conversation. It is a sign of friendship."
SL: "Whenever you want, my friend. I wish you the best."
The picture that emerges from the revelations – all to be verified in the appropriate venues – describes a privileged and unconventional relationship between Budapest and Moscow, with possible repercussions on the integrity of European confidentiality and the Union's energy policy. Brussels is now awaiting timely responses from the Hungarian government, while the election campaign in Budapest enters its most tense phase.
The Hungarian Foreign Minister, Péter Szijjártó, admitted to the call and also to having regular contacts with his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, during the closed-door meetings of the European Union, but denied rumors that the two would regularly meet during breaks at the summits in Brussels. "Dialogue with other partners is the essence of diplomacy," he emphasized. Previously, the Budapest government had already rejected these accounts, labeling the rumors as fake news.